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Commentary: Things Planned Parenthood's 'Truth Team' Forgot to Mention
By Susan E. Wills
Planned Parenthood
Federation of America (PPFA) has dispatched a "Truth Team" to rally
opposition to the Pence Amendment (H.R. 1, sec. 4013), a measure to stop
federal funding of PPFA and its 102 affiliates. But not everything said
by PPFA officials and sympathetic media has been the whole truth and
nothing but the truth.
In the interest of an informed debate about taxpayer funding of PPFA, a
few omissions and potentially misleading statements are addressed below.
Claim: "This is about women's health more than abortion" (Cecile Richards, PPFA President)
This was quoted by Jonathan Alter in a March 14 opinion piece posted on
Bloomberg Opinion. But Congress already spends billions every year for
women's health care, through Medicaid, Medicare and other programs.
Defunding PPFA is about no longer coercing taxpayers to contribute to
the nation's largest abortion chain.
In its last reported fiscal year (2008-2009), PPFA clinics aborted
332,278 children, a number equal to the entire population of Cincinnati.
Since 1970, PPFA has aborted an estimated 5,300,000 children,
equivalent to the entire population of Colorado.
In an interview published March 17 in the Texas Tribune, Ms. Richards
spoke at length about all the healthcare PPFA provides: "We see 3
million patients each year across the country. For 97 percent of them,
we provide preventive care. Three percent are abortions."
Yet according to PPFA's own March 2011 Planned Parenthood Services fact
sheet, 332,278 abortions were performed on some of PPFA's three million
clients in the year ending June 30, 2009. This suggests that eleven
percent of their clients had abortions in that year, not three percent.
But the best measure of how important abortions are to PPFA's bottom
line is the fact that abortions produce at least 37 percent of PPFA
revenues "by very conservative estimates."[1]
PPFA has also expanded these lucrative abortion services, adding
surgical or "medical" (RU-486) abortion to the services offered at an
additional 75 clinics between 2005 and 2009. In that period, PPFA's
total annual abortions grew 25 percent,[2] while other services
declined. For example, prenatal care clients numbered 7,021 in the most
recent year (down 60 percent in the last five years),[3] and adoption
referrals to other agencies numbered only 977, compared to 4,912 in
2007, (see page 7) a remarkable 80% drop in adoption referrals in only
two years.
Due to this increase in abortions and decrease in prenatal care and
adoption services, 97.6 percent of PPFA "services" for pregnant women in
2009 involved killing their children, and only 2.4 percent involved
prenatal care or adoption referral.
Abby Johnson, former director of the Planned Parenthood clinic in Bryan,
Texas and author of the new book Unplanned, confirms the key role
abortion plays in Planned Parenthood's services. She quotes her regional
director as telling her to increase abortions at her clinic in order to
"get her revenue up."[4] Only affiliate clinics that provided abortions
were profitable. The director reminded Abby that "non-profit" is just
"a tax status, not a business status."[5] Sure enough, when the Bryan
clinic began offering RU-486 abortions every day, profits rose.
Ms. Johnson's account was borne out in December 2010, when news media
reported on a PPFA directive that all affiliates should begin offering
abortion services within the next two years.
Claim: Without funding for PPFA, women will lack access to mammograms, primary health care, and other necessary services
In truth, Planned Parenthood clinics [sic] provide no mammograms.
They offer only referrals to health centers, doctors, hospitals and
labs for mammograms. PPFA breast exams are done by manual palpation,
similar to a breast self-exam. But as a National Institutes of Health
MedlinePlus fact sheet states: "There is no evidence that doing breast
self exams saves lives from breast cancer." For that, mammography is
needed.
As for primary health care services, PPFA clinics performed fewer than
20,000 such services in its last reporting year, an insignificant part
of the total of 11.4 million services nationwide. Through state and
federal Medicaid programs, low-income women already have access to
contraception, as well as needed health care services-including testing
and treatment for sexually-transmitted diseases (STDs), Pap tests for
cervical cancer, and mammograms-at countless hospitals, doctors'
offices, and over 1,000 federally-funded community health centers.
Claim: "Planned Parenthood cannot survive without federal funds"
So states Jonathan Alter. Really? PPFA has almost one billion dollars in
net assets ($994,700,000), and in its most recent filing reported $737
million in revenues for the year, not counting the $363 million from
taxpayers (see page 29). Any untaxed corporation should be able to
scrape by on $737 million in revenues.
Claim: "Without funding, PPFA won't be able to provide contraceptive
services that prevent more than 612,000 unintended pregnancies every
year"
Mr. Alter and many others repeat the "pregnancies averted" figure[6] to
justify funding PPFA. This claim remains one of the more imaginative
"statistics" devised by abortion advocates. Equally creative is the
claim that widespread access to emergency contraception (EC) would cut
abortions by half, when a definitive meta-analysis of 23 studies in 2007
showed that EC has had "null" effect on abortion rates.[7]
The "pregnancies averted" figure depends on two assumptions, neither of
which has been demonstrated empirically: first, that contraceptive use
reduces abortion rates overall; second, that young people are inherently
"unable" to control their sexual behavior, and will therefore engage in
sex to the same extent whether or not they have access to
contraception.
Reality: Access to contraception does NOT reduce abortion rates
Anyone who finds that statement shocking has not been paying attention. A
study published earlier this year found that a 63 percent increase in
the use of contraceptives in Spain over a ten-year period was
accompanied by a 108 percent increase in the rate of elective
abortions.[8] This counter-intuitive reality has also been documented in
peer-reviewed journals in the U.S. and Western Europe. Studies by Peter
Arcidiacono in the U.S., K. Edgardh in Sweden, and David Paton and
Sourafel Girma as well as M. Wiggins et al. in the U.K., are reviewed in
a USCCB fact sheet "Greater Access to Contraception Does Not Reduce
Abortions."
Planned Parenthood leaders have known for a half century that when
access to contraception increases, abortion rates can rise or, at least,
remain unchanged.[9] The correlation between contraceptive use and
recourse to abortion was noted in a 1932 article in the British Medical
Journal, by a PPFA doctor in 1936, in a study done by the Margaret
Sanger Clinical Research Bureau in 1940 (finding 41 percent of
pregnancies of contracepting women terminated in illegal abortion, while
only 3.5 percent of the pregnancies of non-contracepting women did),
and by Malcolm Potts, MD, then medical director of International Planned
Parenthood Federation in 1981.[10]
There are many reasons why access to contraception does not reduce
abortion rates (and often is associated with higher pregnancy and
abortion rates): method failure, user error, cumulative risk, and risk
compensation, as well as discontinuation of a method due to unpleasant
side effects.
Method failure and user error
Method failure refers to the inherent ineffectiveness of the
contraceptive (in the case of condoms, strength, reliability, correct
size) and also depends on the age, experience and maturity of the user. A
large national study in France, for example, found that adult couples
with more than five years' experience using condoms had a total method
failure rate (from breakage and slippage) of only 1.4 percent, but
couples with less than five years' experience had a method failure rate
of 7.8 percent.[11]
User failure can result from any seemingly minor discrepancy in use,
including inconsistent use. Method failure and user failure add up to
"typical use."
With typical use, especially among teenagers, contraceptives often fail to prevent pregnancy.
Among low-income teenagers, the 12-month "failure" (i.e., pregnancy)
rate for condoms is 23.1 percent; but if the teens are cohabiting, the
pregnancy rate is 71.7 percent because of the higher frequency with
which they're having sex. For low-income teens using oral
contraceptives, the 12-month failure rate is 12.9 percent; among
cohabiters, 48.4 percent will become pregnant.[12]
Cumulative risk
Cumulative risk is nicely illustrated by the differential pregnancy
rates for teens who have sex occasionally versus those who cohabit: 23.1
vs. 71.7 percent pregnancy rates for condom users, and 12.9 vs. 48.4
percent pregnancy rates for those taking oral contraceptives. It's a lot
like tossing a coin. The odds of getting heads with one toss are 50
percent, but toss the coin five times and the odds of getting heads once
are almost 97 percent. Only instead of "heads," you may get a baby-or
an incurable STD.
Risk compensation
People show a greater willingness to engage in potentially risky
behavior when they believe that their risk has been reduced through
technology. For example, studies report an increase in melanoma among
sunscreen users because, believing themselves protected from UV rays,
they stay in the sun far longer than those who don't use sunscreen.[13]
One way to measure the effect of risk compensation in the context of
sexual risks taken by teens and young adults (i.e., more frequent and
casual sex, more partners and promiscuous partners) is to examine rates
of STDs.
Examining the impact of free, over-the-counter EC for teenagers in
England, researchers reported: "The EBC [emergency birth control] scheme
had no impact on conception rates." However, "the presence of a
pharmacy EBC scheme in a local authority is associated with an increase
in the rate of STI [sexually transmitted illness] diagnoses amongst
teenagers of about 5%. The equivalent figure for [children under 16] is
even larger at 12%." This "is consistent with the hypothesis that
greater access to EBC induces an increase in adolescent risky sexual
behavior."[14]
The United States is awash in contraceptives, yet the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention estimates that "there are approximately19
million new STD infections each year-almost half of them among young
people 15 to 24 years of age". The cost of STDs to the U.S. health care
system is estimated to be as high as $15.9 billion annually. And 60
million Americans have the incurable virus that causes genital herpes.
Claim: Kids Aren't Capable of Abstaining from Sex
In 2009, 54 percent of high school-aged teens were sexually abstinent
(had never had sex); that figure includes 70 percent of 9th graders and
60 percent of 10th graders (at Table 61). [15]
The percentage of girls 15 to 17 who ever had sex dropped from 38
percent in 1995 to 27.7 percent in the reporting period 2006-2008. Even
among girls 15-19, the majority were abstinent: 49.3 percent had ever
had sex in 1995, compared to 41.6 percent in the reporting period
2006-2008.
Among males 15 to 17, the percentage who ever had sex was 43.1 percent
in 1995 and dropped to 28.8 percent in the reporting period 2006-2008.
In 2002, a majority of males 15 to 19, had ever had sex (55.2 percent),
but in the reporting period 2006-2008, only a minority of males had
(42.6 percent). If all these teens can remain abstinent despite
pressures from the culture and peers, why can't the rest? Especially if
we remove from the situation authority figures like Planned Parenthood
officials who insist that no one can.
Reality: Planned Parenthood's Fail-Safe Business Plan
Intentionally or not, Planned Parenthood has put in place a business
plan that is certain to generate repeat business for a wide variety of
services throughout the client's lifetime:
Planned Parenthood combines compelling marketing (kids, you can enjoy
"safe sex" without consequences!); location (often low-income
neighborhoods where most services are paid for by a third party, such as
state or federal Medicaid or Title X, eliminating any financial barrier
to using their services); and products that don't live up to the
promise of protection from STDs and pregnancy, due to method and user
errors. In 2005, Consumer Reports ranked dead last (among 23 brands) two
of the condom brands that PPFA affiliates offer free to customers, due
to their rating of "poor" in strength and reliability.
All this adds up to a revolving door of customers, constantly returning
for the pricier services: emergency contraception; pregnancy tests; STD
testing and treatment, including Pap tests for cervical cancer (100
percent of which is caused by certain persistent strains of the sexually
transmitted human papilloma virus [HPV]), diagnostic colposcopies and
LOOP/LEEP procedures; cryotherapy; HIV testing; and, of course, the big
money-maker, abortions.
Why haven't supporters of PPFA funding in Congress and the press noticed
that something is amiss? Here is an organization that offers
contraception (35 percent of 2009 services)[15] for "safe sex," yet also
reports that 35 percent of its services deal with the failure of "safe
sex" to protect against STDs (testing and treatment), and 11 percent of
clients undergo abortions. Is it not likely that some of the same
clients going to Planned Parenthood for contraception are returning for
these other services when PPFA and contraception fail them? After all,
54 percent of women seeking abortions report they were using
contraceptives in the month they became pregnant (see Table 61, p.98).
Abstinence before, and monogamy within, marriage are the only sure ways
to prevent STDs. But Planned Parenthood can't afford to recommend such a
lifestyle: if adopted widely, it would quickly put them out of
business.
Susan E. Wills, Esq. is Assistant director for education and outreach,
U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops' Secretariat of Pro-Life Activities
www.usccb.org
[1] Planned Parenthood puts the cost at between $350.00 and $950.00.
Also, not all of their abortions are performed in the first trimester.
[2] PPFA Annual Report 2005-2006, p. 4, reported 264,943 abortion
procedures in 2005, while the PPFA Services Fact Sheet reports 332,278
abortions.
[3] PPFA Annual Report 2004-2005, p. 4, showing 17,610 prenatal clients in 2004, and PPFA Services Fact Sheet showing 7,021.
[4] Abby Johnson, Unplanned (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2010), p. 114.
[5] Unplanned, p. 114.
[6] See also PPFA Fact Sheet, "By the Numbers," February 2011 which also include this figure of 612,000 pregnancies averted.
[7] E. Raymond et al., "Population Effects of Increased Access to
Emergency Contraceptive Pills: A Systematic Review," Obstetrics &
Gynecology 109.1 (Jan. 2007): 181-8.
[8] J. Dueñas et al., "Trends in the Use of Contraceptive Methods and
Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy in the Spanish Population during
1997-2007," 83 Contraception (2011): 82-87.
[9] Kenneth D. Whitehead has assembled many early statements by the
"fathers" of the U.S. reproductive rights movement, in his article "Do
Sex Education and Access to Contraception Cut Down on Abortion?" He
quotes, for example, the concluding statement of a 1955 PPFA conference:
"It was recognized by conference participants that no scientific
evidence has been developed to support the claim that increased
availability of contraceptive service will clearly result in a decreased
illegal abortion rate." Among the signatories were Alan Guttmacher, MD
(an early President of PPFA), Christopher Tietze, MD (PPFA's principal
researcher for years), John Rock, MD (co-developer of the Pill), and
Louis M. Hellman, MD (a Deputy Assistant Secretary for Population
Affairs and administrator of the Title X program).
[10] See text accompanying endnotes 37-42 in Whitehead, note 18.
[11] A. Messiah et al., "Condom Breakage and Slippage during Sexual
Intercourse: A French National Survey," American Journal of Public
Health 87 (1997): 442.
[12] H. Fu et al., "Contraceptive Failure Rates: New Estimates from the
1995 Survey of Family Growth," Family Planning Perspectives 31 (1999):
56-63, at 61.
[13] See, e.g., P. Autier et al., "Melanoma and Use of Sunscreens: An
EORTC Case-control Study in Germany, Belgium, and France," International
Journal of Cancer 61 (1995): 749-755 and others cited in note 37 of S.
Wills, "Condoms and AIDS: Is the Pope Right or Just ‘Horrifically
Ignorant'?" The Linacre Quarterly 77(1) [2010]: 17-29.
[14] S. Girma and D. Paton, "The Impact of Emergency Birth Control on
Teen Pregnancy and STIs," Journal of Health Economics (2011),
doi:100.1016/j.healeco.2010.12.004.
[15] See also PPFA "By Numbers" Fact Sheet, at bulletpoint 8
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